If Only America Prioritized Domestic Spending Over Foreign Wars

Before leaning too hard into that claim, it’s worth noting that there isn’t any confirmed public record of a U.S. “$25 billion in 30 days” war with Iran or an official Pentagon acknowledgment of such a figure. Numbers like that circulate on social media and can be misleading or pulled from broader defense spending categories. That said, using the $25 billion figure as a hypothetical is still a useful way to understand tradeoffs in federal spending priorities.

If $25 billion were spent in a single month and continued for several months, the scale becomes enormous very quickly. At that pace, you’re looking at $75 billion over three months or $150 billion over six. That’s not abstract money—it’s comparable to or larger than the annual budgets of entire domestic programs that affect tens of millions of people.

To put that into perspective, $25 billion could fund a substantial expansion of Medicaid coverage, the joint federal-state program that already covers around 70+ million Americans. Estimates vary by state, but on average, a few thousand dollars per enrollee per year can provide basic coverage. That means tens of billions could extend coverage to millions more people or significantly improve reimbursement rates for providers, making care more accessible in underserved areas. Instead of emergency rooms absorbing uncompensated care, you’d have a more stable, preventative system that lowers long-term costs.

Childcare is another area where that level of funding would be transformative. One of the biggest barriers for working families is the cost of daycare, which in many parts of the country rivals rent or even college tuition. A $25 billion investment could dramatically expand subsidies, cap costs as a percentage of income, or fund universal pre-K programs across multiple states. Even spreading that money over a few months could stabilize childcare providers, raise wages for workers in the sector, and make it possible for millions of parents to re-enter or stay in the workforce.

Then there’s nutrition assistance. The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, is one of the most efficient anti-poverty programs in the U.S., with administrative costs that are relatively low compared to its impact. Tens of billions of dollars could increase benefit levels, expand eligibility, or ensure consistent access during economic downturns. A temporary $25 billion boost alone could significantly raise monthly benefits for millions of households, directly reducing food insecurity almost overnight.

If that $25 billion monthly pace continued, the cumulative effect becomes even more striking. Three months of that spending—$75 billion—could fund a nationwide childcare affordability initiative and still leave room to expand healthcare access. Six months—$150 billion—could reshape multiple systems at once: stabilizing Medicaid, making childcare broadly affordable, and strengthening food assistance in a way that meaningfully reduces poverty.

The broader point isn’t that defense spending and domestic programs are interchangeable line items; they operate under different political and strategic frameworks. But the comparison highlights how quickly resources can be mobilized when something is treated as urgent. When similar urgency is applied to domestic issues like healthcare, childcare, or food security, the scale of what’s possible looks very different.

Framing it this way makes the tradeoffs clearer. It’s not just about whether a number like $25 billion is large—it’s about what that same amount of money represents in everyday terms: doctor visits people can afford, childcare slots parents can rely on, and groceries families don’t have to skip.

USAID Funding Cuts Already Proving Lethal

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A recent segment on MSNBC’s The Last Word with Lawrence O’Donnell sparked intense debate by suggesting that the Trump-era Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE)—until recently led by Elon Musk before the agency was disbanded this month—has triggered devastating humanitarian consequences through its rapid cuts to USAID programs. The report cited estimates—hotly disputed by DOGE supporters and independent analysts alike—that hundreds of thousands of Africans, many of them children, could die or may already have died as a result of withdrawing funding from health and nutrition programs that had long relied on U.S. support. Whether these figures represent confirmed deaths, worst-case projections, or something in between has become central to the wider political and moral argument.

Critics of DOGE argue that even the lowest plausible estimates of harm would constitute a profound moral failure by the United States. They contend that the speed and scope of the cuts all but guaranteed instability in regions where U.S.-backed programs had become essential to basic survival. From this viewpoint, fixating on the precision of the numbers risks missing the larger point: that preventable suffering—even at a fraction of the projections mentioned on air—would still be catastrophic and vastly outweigh any budgetary savings DOGE hoped to achieve.

Supporters of the cuts offer a very different narrative. They argue that the United States cannot indefinitely shoulder the burden of funding core public-health systems across developing nations while grappling with its own severe fiscal challenges. They also question the reliability of the projections referenced in cable-news segments, noting that models built on incomplete data often produce dramatic but speculative results. To them, MSNBC’s framing is an example of worst-case scenarios being treated as established fact, while years of inefficiency, redundancy, and poor oversight within USAID’s global operations go unaddressed. Critics respond that this fiscal-responsibility argument is undermined by the Trump administration’s willingness to approve major financial packages elsewhere—such as the recent $40-billion bailout for Argentina—which suggests that affordability may be less a constraint than political preference.

Overlaying all of this is an uncomfortable personal dimension involving Elon Musk himself. Born and raised in South Africa during the apartheid era, Musk’s early life and the advantages associated with that system have long been scrutinized in discussions of race, privilege, and inequality. For many Africans, the symbolism of an African-born billionaire—one whose family benefited from a racially stratified society—having overseen cuts that disproportionately harmed the continent is hard to ignore. Even though DOGE is now dissolved and Musk no longer holds that position, the optics remain deeply fraught, and skepticism among African observers is understandable.

Despite these tensions, nearly everyone agrees on one central point: USAID has indeed faced problems with waste, inefficiency, and poorly evaluated programming. But acknowledging these flaws does not require dismantling the lifesaving work that competent aid can deliver. With thoughtful reforms, stronger accountability, and better targeting of resources, the United States could address the system’s shortcomings without abandoning vulnerable populations who depend on these services. The real challenge lies in balancing fiscal discipline with global humanitarian leadership—while keeping the human consequences, not just the spreadsheets, at the center of the conversation.