Tag: epstein

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Longtime Pentecostal Preacher Accused Of Child Sexual Abuse

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As the nation continues to reckon with the disturbing legacy of the Jeffrey Epstein case — where power, influence, and fear kept abuse hidden for years — a newly emergent story out of Missouri and Oklahoma reveals that the problem of predatory abuse hidden behind religious authority is deeply systemic and far broader than most Americans realize.

Over the past year, major investigative reporting has spotlighted veteran Pentecostal preacher Joseph Lyle “Joe” Campbell, a once-beloved children’s pastor with decades of ministry across the South and Midwest. For more than 40 years, Campbell built a reputation as a charismatic faith leader, ministering to thousands of children in Assemblies of God congregations and, more recently, at Jim Bakker’s Morningside Church in Blue Eye, Missouri — a ministry broadcast on national Christian television networks. 

Despite repeated allegations dating back to the 1970s and 1980s that he sexually abused young girls under his spiritual care, Campbell continued preaching for decades without criminal consequences. Multiple women have come forward publicly, including in major NBC News reporting, saying they were abused as children or teens by Campbell while he held youth and children’s ministry positions. Many said they told church leaders and even civil authorities at the time, only to be dismissed, ignored, or told nothing could be done — a chilling echo of the fear and silence surrounding Epstein’s victims. 

The turning point arrived in December 2025 when a multi-county grand jury in Oklahoma returned an indictment against Campbell, now 68 years old, on serious criminal charges: one count of first-degree rape and one count of lewd or indecent acts with a child under 16. These allegations stem from events tied to his ministry in Tulsa, Oklahoma in 1984, where prosecutors say he raped a girl believed to have been between 11 and 12 years old and sexually abused another 14-year-old while serving as a youth pastor. 

On December 17, 2025, U.S. Marshals arrested Campbell at a location in Elkland, Missouri and lodged him in the Greene County Jail in Springfield, Missouri, before his expected transfer to Oklahoma where the charges were filed.  While the state’s legal system has not yet publicly announced an official trial date as of now, the indictment makes clear that prosecutors intend to move forward — and if convicted, Campbell faces up to life in prison. 

What makes this case especially disturbing is that the alleged abuse was first reported decades ago but was never prosecuted at the time. According to survivors and investigative reporting, church officials and some local authorities repeatedly failed to act on those early reports, allowing Campbell not only to stay in ministry but to grow his influence. This mirrors one of the central outrages in the Epstein saga — that powerful or charismatic figures could evade accountability for years while their victims suffered in silence. 

One victim, Phaedra Creed, who appeared on NBC-affiliated segments discussing the case, said she and others were too afraid to come forward earlier because they feared not being believed or being physically harmed — the same kinds of fears Epstein’s accusers long described. 

Now, as Campbell awaits his day in court, the larger questions hang over this case just as they did with Epstein: How many knew? Who enabled him? And why did it take so long for justice to begin? It is far too easy for prosecutors, church leaders, and law enforcement to treat Campbell’s arrest as the end of an ugly chapter. But unless there is a transparent investigation into what church authorities, denominational leaders, and civil officials knew — and when they knew it — this will be another example of systemic betrayal rather than genuine accountability.

Campbell may be facing the possibility of a life sentence, but without uncovering the broader network of complicity that allowed him to evade consequences for decades, the real lesson of this case — and its painful parallels with Epstein — will be lost.

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Trump Lashes Out At Rep MTG Over Epstein Files

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A segment on CNN’s OutFront with Erin Burnett on December 29, with Brianna Keilar filling in, unpacked a stunning New York Times report describing an explosive phone call between President Trump and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene. According to the report, Trump erupted in anger during a September conversation after learning that Greene was pressing to expose the names of powerful individuals allegedly implicated in Jeffrey Epstein’s sexual exploitation of children. What makes the exchange so consequential is not just the intensity of Trump’s reaction, but what he is said to have yelled at Greene: that her efforts would “hurt his friends.”

Greene, who has increasingly positioned herself as an advocate for Epstein’s victims, had warned that she was prepared to publicly name individuals connected to Epstein if the Department of Justice continued to stall on releasing the files. Many of the victims, most of them poor and lacking political or legal protection, have long expressed fear of retaliation if they come forward—fear not only of lawsuits, but of intimidation and physical harm from extraordinarily powerful people. That imbalance of power has been one of the central reasons the Epstein network has remained shrouded in secrecy for so long.

Unlike the victims themselves, Greene occupies a unique legal position. Under the Constitution’s Speech or Debate Clause, statements made by members of Congress during official proceedings are protected from civil liability. In other words, Greene can say things on the House floor that would expose an ordinary person to crushing lawsuits. That protection gives her leverage few others have, and it explains why her threat to name names carried real weight.

According to Greene, Trump berated her during the call, warning that continuing down this path would damage people close to him. That claim immediately collides with Trump’s long-standing public posture. For years, he has dismissed the Epstein files as a “Democrat hoax,” suggesting there is nothing real or consequential to be found in them. But if the files are meaningless fiction, then why the panic? Why the shouting? And why the concern that unnamed “friends” would be harmed by their release?

That contradiction is the heart of the story. Trump cannot simultaneously argue that the Epstein files are a baseless hoax and privately warn that exposing them would hurt people he knows. The two positions are mutually exclusive. If there is nothing there, no one should be worried. If, however, the revelations are dangerous—to reputations, careers, or worse—then the hoax narrative collapses under its own weight.

The most plausible explanation left is that Trump does not want the files released because they contain information that would cast him and people in his orbit in an extremely negative light. Whether that information rises to the level of criminal exposure is a separate question, but reputational damage alone would be reason enough to fight disclosure at every turn. At a minimum, the reported phone call suggests that Trump takes the contents of the Epstein files far more seriously in private than he does in public.

The White House dismissed Greene’s account by waving it off as bitterness and attacking her credibility, effectively portraying her as unstable rather than addressing the substance of the allegation. But that response does little to resolve the glaring inconsistency at the center of the story. If Greene is lying, the administration could directly deny the call or the quote attributed to Trump. Instead, it chose mockery and dismissal—an approach that raises more questions than it answers, and only deepens suspicion about what, exactly, remains buried in the Epstein files.

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The Jeffrey Epstein-MKULTRA Connection

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Recent media reporting and scattered social-media sleuthing have revived an unsettling dimension of Jeffrey Epstein’s world—one that extends far beyond his sexual exploitation crimes and political networking. Emerging accounts suggest he harbored a deep fascination with gene-modification research, a line of inquiry that for some observers evokes the shadow of MKULTRA, the CIA’s notorious mind-alteration program. While the details remain murky, what is clear is that Epstein’s curiosity wasn’t limited to passive interest. For years he positioned himself close to the frontier of experimental science, cultivating relationships with researchers and pouring money into tech startups whose ambitions now sit squarely inside today’s bioethics debates. These ventures—ranging from predictive-behavior systems to early genetic-profiling tools—continue to raise alarms about privacy, power, and the unchecked influence of wealthy patrons over sensitive scientific fields.

Layered onto this already eerie landscape is a strange but consistent thread involving dentistry. Epstein’s closest confidante in his final years was a female dentist who vanished from public view soon after his death. The recent release of photos from his U.S. Virgin Islands estate, including an image of a fully equipped dentist’s chair inside his home, fueled further speculation. Teeth have long been central to genetic identification and bio-sample extraction, so the presence of dental equipment in the residence of a man rumored to be dabbling in genetic experiments struck many observers as more than just an eccentric interior-decorating choice. Whether it was there for mundane personal reasons or something far more unconventional remains an unanswered question, but it undeniably added to the intrigue surrounding his scientific obsessions.

In the end, as the Epstein documents continue to emerge piece by piece, one of the most consequential revelations may not be about the crimes we already know, but about the scientific ambitions and experimental impulses that operated in the shadows. Whether these files ultimately illuminate serious forays into gene-modification schemes or merely confirm a pattern of disturbing fixations, the picture that is forming is one in which Epstein’s influence touched not only politics and finance but potentially the ethical boundaries of modern science itself.

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Is Trump’s Beef With Venezuela Just A Distraction From Epstein Files?

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On the December 3, 2025 edition of MSNOW’s Last Word, host Lawrence O’Donnell made a striking allegation: that President Trump’s recent moves toward a potential conflict with Venezuela are part of a deliberate effort to divert public attention from what has become the most politically explosive vulnerability of his administration—the Epstein files. As dramatic as that claim sounds, the idea that a president might reach for military action to overshadow damaging domestic troubles is far from unprecedented in American politics.

History offers several examples of presidents facing crises at home while initiating or escalating military operations abroad. In 1999, as the Monica Lewinsky scandal and impeachment fight threatened his presidency, Bill Clinton authorized U.S. and NATO airstrikes in Kosovo. While the Kosovo intervention had legitimate humanitarian and geopolitical motivations, critics at the time argued that its timing conveniently shifted the national focus away from the turmoil engulfing Clinton in Washington. Similarly, George W. Bush’s 2003 invasion of Iraq—authorized with congressional approval and publicly justified as a necessary step to eliminate weapons of mass destruction—has long been viewed by some political observers as a campaign that also helped neutralize criticism of the administration’s intelligence failures surrounding 9/11 and other mounting domestic issues. In both cases, military action absorbed media bandwidth, elevated presidential authority, and stirred a sense of national unity that could blunt domestic scrutiny.

The pattern, then, is an old one: foreign conflict can serve as a political reset button, even if the strategic and humanitarian stakes are genuinely complex. It is also a risky gamble, because wars rarely unfold according to plan. setbacks can deepen public dissatisfaction instead of alleviating it, and the use of military force for political cover remains one of the most controversial charges that can be leveled against any commander in chief.

Against this backdrop, if President Trump were to sidestep Congress and launch a military operation in Venezuela under the banner of fighting “narco-terrorists,” it would not emerge in a historical vacuum. It would more closely resemble a familiar—and troubling—pattern in presidential behavior. Yet recognizing a pattern does not mean the public should accept it as inevitable. Trump campaigned in 2024 on promises of “no more foreign wars” and “no more regime change,” commitments that resonated deeply with voters weary of costly, open-ended U.S. interventions. Many of his supporters viewed him as the candidate who would finally break the cycle of manufactured or opportunistic foreign entanglements that so often coincide with moments of domestic political stress.

That alone should give the president pause. If he truly intends to differentiate himself from past administrations, he must resist the temptation to use military force as a political distraction. The public—and especially the voters who backed him on the promise of a different foreign-policy era—deserve a leader who resists the cynical logic of war as domestic cover, not one who repeats it.

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Is Mike Johnson The Weakest Speaker Of All Time?

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House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) increasingly looks like a man who has surrendered not only the institutional muscle of the speakership but even the pretense of independence from the president of his own party. The speakership historically has been an office defined by its willingness to challenge the White House when necessary—Sam Rayburn, Tip O’Neill, Newt Gingrich, Nancy Pelosi, and even John Boehner all asserted the House’s prerogatives when they believed a president, Democrat or Republican, had crossed a line. The job demands that a Speaker defend the House as a coequal branch of government, not serve as an extension of the Oval Office. Johnson’s conduct has prompted growing skepticism that he understands, or even values, that obligation.

Lawrence O’Donnell seized on this erosion of authority during a blistering segment on The Last Word, calling Johnson “pathetic” for repeatedly lowering the speakership to the status of Trump’s legislative errand boy. O’Donnell’s critique did not rest on ideology but on the abandonment of basic separation-of-powers expectations—what he framed as Johnson’s refusal to act like the leader of an independent branch of government. When the Speaker of the House won’t defend the House’s own jurisdiction and moral authority, O’Donnell argued, the institution itself becomes weaker, and Johnson seems almost proud to preside over its diminishment.

The latest and clearest example came with Johnson’s handling of the Epstein files, a matter where moral clarity should have superseded political loyalty. Many House Republicans, echoing survivors and transparency advocates, pushed for the full release of the unredacted files. Yet, according to multiple reports, the Trump team made it clear that it did not want that transparency, and Johnson dutifully complied. Instead of defending the bipartisan House vote for disclosure, he attempted to pressure Senate Republicans into adding anti-transparency amendments—effectively rewriting a unanimously passed House measure to align with Trump’s wishes. This was precisely the moment when a strong Speaker would have demonstrated independence, asserting that the House’s overwhelming vote reflected a moral imperative that transcended the president’s concerns.

What happened next exposed the extent of Johnson’s weakness. Senate Republicans, including Senate Majority Leader John Thune, refused to go along. Thune brushed off Johnson’s push and let the bipartisan transparency bill stand as written. The moment was striking not only because Senate Republicans broke with Johnson, but because they did so with such ease. It showed how little weight Johnson’s requests carry even within his own party’s congressional leadership. It was the kind of public sidelining that previous Speakers would never have tolerated because they would never have allowed themselves to be put in that position to begin with.

Johnson, embarrassed by the rebuff, then claimed that Democrats—specifically Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer—had somehow duped Thune into ignoring Johnson’s demands. It was an explanation that strained credibility. The idea that seasoned Senate Republicans were outmaneuvered by Schumer into doing the morally obvious thing, rather than following Johnson down the rabbit hole of suppressing sensitive documents, only underscored how deeply unserious Johnson’s defense was. This evasiveness was precisely what triggered O’Donnell’s sharpest criticism: that a Speaker reduced to blaming phantom Democratic trickery to justify his own impotence has forfeited the dignity of his office.

Seen in this light, Johnson’s speakership increasingly appears not merely weak but historically weak—a surrender of institutional power at exactly the moment when Congress should be asserting its independence. The Founders designed the legislative branch to check the executive, not to take instructions from it; the Speaker of the House, more than any other congressional figure, embodies that constitutional balance. By repeatedly deferring to Trump, even on issues where morality, transparency, and bipartisan consensus align against him, Johnson is not just weakening himself. He is weakening the House of Representatives. And that is why the charge that he may be the weakest Speaker of all time can no longer be dismissed as hyperbole. It is becoming a plausible assessment of a man who seems unwilling to use the authority of an office that demands far more than passive obedience to presidential preference.

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The Steve Bannon–Jeffrey Epstein Connection: What the Newly Released Emails Reveal

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A recent segment on the 11/19/25 edition of MSNBC’s The Beat with Ari Melber examined a newly surfaced trove of emails that—according to the program’s reporting—suggest Steve Bannon’s relationship with Jeffrey Epstein was far deeper and more strategic than Bannon has publicly acknowledged. As Melber emphasized, the emails do not indicate that Bannon participated in Epstein’s criminal activities. But they do appear to show that Bannon was fully aware of Epstein’s widely reported misconduct and still worked behind the scenes to help rehabilitate Epstein’s public reputation. If accurate, the correspondence paints a picture of a political strategist engaging with a disgraced financier in ways that raise more questions than answers.

Why Bannon would want to rehabilitate Epstein remains unclear. Bannon’s brief tenure in the first Trump administration fuels speculation: was he attempting to minimize or contextualize Trump’s long-documented association with Epstein? Was he pursuing financial or strategic support from Epstein, who still wielded substantial wealth and elite connections? Or was Bannon trying to leverage Epstein’s deep ties to global power brokers for his own political aims? While none of this is conclusively established, the emails suggest Bannon saw a degree of utility in Epstein that extended well beyond casual acquaintance.

The timeline of Bannon’s public statements only complicates matters further. When the Epstein files controversy re-emerged earlier this year during Trump’s second term, Bannon became one of the loudest figures demanding the release of every Epstein document. He framed Epstein as central to the so-called “Deep State,” arguing that the files were the key to exposing elite corruption and dismantling entrenched power networks. Yet throughout this campaign for transparency, Bannon never disclosed that he had any prior personal or professional interactions with Epstein—let alone that he had reportedly discussed rehabilitating Epstein’s image. That omission now casts his rhetoric in a new light and raises questions about whether his public crusade was also an effort to get ahead of information that might implicate or embarrass him.

The dynamic becomes even more intriguing when considering Bannon’s public clash with Elon Musk over the handling and release of Epstein-related material. What initially looked like another loud, intra-movement skirmish now takes on new weight. If Bannon had undisclosed ties to Epstein, his aggressive posture toward Musk could be interpreted as an attempt to steer the narrative or deflect scrutiny.

If these emails are authentic, they suggest a pattern of engagement with Epstein that conflicts with Bannon’s public posture and demands a fuller explanation. The public deserves to know why Bannon was attempting to reshape Epstein’s image, what he hoped to gain from the relationship, why he hid these interactions while urging transparency from others, and how this impacts the credibility of his broader claims about the Epstein files. Until Steve Bannon provides a transparent and comprehensive accounting of his relationship with Epstein—its scope, its motives, and its implications—there is little reason to take his proclamations at face value. The questions raised by these revelations are serious, and they are not going away.

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VP Vance Pushes Back On The Gerald Ford Comparison

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On the 11/12/25 edition of The Last Word with Lawrence O’Donnell, host Lawrence O’Donnell made a striking observation: current Vice President J.D. Vance’s near-silence on the swirling Jeffrey Epstein files scandal mirrors the posture then-Vice President Gerald Ford assumed as Richard Nixon’s presidency was collapsing under the weight of Watergate. O’Donnell pointed out that Ford, sensing the sinking of Nixon’s Presidency, deliberately kept his head down—he knew the ghosts of Nixon would dog his tenure if he didn’t distance himself.

By the same logic, O’Donnell argued, Vance appears to be doing exactly that: he knows the Epstein files may blow up and run Donald Trump out of office, and thus is doing everything he can to not get sucked into the scandal, to avoid becoming the next Ford.

As expected, social media erupted following O’Donnell’s segment. I posted a clip of the show, and to my surprise the reaction came from none other than the Vice President himself. That’s how provocative the comparison proved.

In his response, Vance strongly objected to O’Donnell’s suggestion that he was intentionally silent about the Epstein scandal. Vance pointed out that he had addressed the issue in prior TV appearances—citing his interview on Hannity scheduled for 11/13/25, which coincided with the date I posted the segment.

Interestingly, in that very 11/13/25 show O’Donnell claimed Vance had in fact ignored the Epstein issue entirely—and reaffirmed: “He’s still Gerald Ford.”

Now that the “Gerald Ford” comparison has caught Vance’s attention—and by implication, the President’s—it will be fascinating to watch how it plays out going forward.

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Rep. Khanna Accuses Trump of Protecting the “Epstein Class”

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Appearing on MSNBC’s All In with Chris Hayes, Congressman Ro Khanna (D-CA) leveled a blistering charge at President Donald Trump — accusing him of protecting what he called the “Epstein class” rather than standing up for working Americans struggling to make ends meet. The phrase quickly caught fire online, and it’s now taking on new weight amid fresh controversy in Washington and inside the federal prison system.

Khanna’s remarks came as pressure mounts on House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) over his continued delay in swearing in Congresswoman-elect Adelita Grijalva of Arizona. Grijalva, a progressive Democrat, has been open about her plan to become the decisive 218th vote to compel the Trump administration to release the long-withheld Epstein files. Johnson’s refusal to seat her — even after certification of her election — has drawn criticism from both Democrats and watchdog groups who see the move as an attempt to block her role in advancing the Epstein disclosure measure.

After weeks of backlash, Johnson has now committed to swearing Grijalva in on Wednesday, November 12, 2025, when the House reconvenes to deliberate on a Senate measure to reopen the government. The timing has only intensified speculation that the Speaker’s delay was politically motivated.

Meanwhile, another development has reignited public scrutiny over how the powerful continue to benefit from special treatment. Ghislaine Maxwell — Epstein’s longtime associate who is serving a 20-year sentence for her role in his sex-trafficking network — was quietly transferred from a Florida federal facility to a much softer minimum-security prison camp in Bryan, Texas. The transfer raised immediate red flags, as such privileges are rarely extended to those convicted of serious sex crimes.

Reports from inside the Texas prison suggest Maxwell is enjoying unusually favorable treatment, including lenient oversight and staff attention that other inmates say border on favoritism. Members of Congress are now demanding a formal investigation into possible corruption or political interference in the Bureau of Prisons’ decision-making.

For Khanna and others calling for transparency, the timing couldn’t be more damning. A president who campaigned on exposing Epstein’s network has yet to release the files; his allies in Congress have stalled the one member most eager to force disclosure; and the central figure in Epstein’s trafficking ring appears to be enjoying preferential treatment behind bars.

Until those Epstein files are made public — as Trump once promised — the perception that his administration is shielding the powerful rather than serving the people will only deepen. As Khanna put it, Trump looks less like the champion of the “forgotten man,” and more like the guardian of the “Epstein Class.”

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Speaker Johnson Called Out For Not Swearing In Adelita Grijalva

House Speaker Mike Johnson is under growing fire after a tense exchange with Senator ___ (D-AZ), who publicly accused him of deliberately refusing to swear in newly elected Democratic Representative Adelita Grijalva. The senator alleged that Johnson’s delay is a calculated move to stall an upcoming House vote on whether to release the long-suppressed Epstein files—documents that could expose the full extent of Jeffrey Epstein’s powerful network of associates.

The confrontation reportedly took place during a joint leadership meeting on Capitol Hill, where the Arizona senator pressed Johnson on the delay. Witnesses say Johnson attempted to deflect, citing “procedural timing issues,” but the senator shot back that the Speaker was “weaponizing procedure to shield the guilty.”

Johnson, who has cultivated an image as a devout Christian and moral conservative, now finds himself in an increasingly awkward position—forced to reconcile his public faith with what critics see as a willingness to protect the powerful at the expense of truth and transparency. “You can’t claim to walk in the light while covering for people who trafficked in darkness,” one Democratic aide remarked after the exchange.

The late financier Jeffrey Epstein was famously connected to some of the most influential figures in politics, business, and entertainment. Among them was Donald Trump, then a New York real estate mogul and now President of the United States. The Trump administration’s handling of the Epstein files has only fueled suspicion that critical evidence—particularly anything implicating high-level figures—is being withheld from public view. Officials have repeatedly promised a “measured” release, but months of delays have left watchdogs, journalists, and victims’ advocates convinced the White House is hiding something.

Privately, some insiders suggest that Speaker Johnson may personally favor full transparency. However, given the Trump administration’s well-documented record of punishing perceived disloyalty, Johnson is said to be under immense pressure to toe the line. The Speaker, they claim, fears political retaliation—or worse, a full-scale MAGA backlash—if he defies the administration’s wishes and allows the House to move forward on the Epstein vote.

For now, the standoff continues. Representative-elect Grijalva remains in limbo, waiting to be officially sworn in while the partisan tug-of-war plays out behind the scenes. Whether Johnson’s delay is a procedural quirk or a deliberate act of political obstruction, one thing is certain: the issue isn’t going away. At some point, Speaker Johnson will have no choice but to seat the incoming Democrat from Arizona—and when he does, the House may finally be forced to confront the explosive truth behind the Epstein files.

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Three Questions Alex Acosta Must Answer Re Epstein

MSNBC’s Legal Analyst Lisa Rubin appeared on the 09/19/25 edition of Deadline White House show where she made a compelling argument as to how Congress can and should go about getting Jeffrey Epstein-related information from former U.S. Attorney Alex Acosta.

Rubin said that there are a bunch of Epstein-related documents that Acosta either saw, or was involved in creating. This, she argued, meant the said documents were either currently in the possession of the Department of Justice, or even by Acosta himself.

The first question Congress needs to ask Acosta is about the 60-count federal indictment drafted by prosecutor Ann Marie Villafaña in 2007. DOJ definitely has this document, and the allegations therein, may shed a lot of light as to Epstein’s illicit operation, and potentially, the actions of his his co-conspirators, most of who were later granted immunity.

The second question regards the lengthy prosecution memo that aforementioned Villafaña wrote regarding the federal case re Epstein. Rubin says this can shed a lot of light as to the evidence the feds had against Epstein to support the 60-count indictment

Finally, Rubin says Congress should ask Acosta about his own interview transcript from the office of professional responsibility investigation that was conducted at DOJ in 2020. That was an investigation started at the instigation of Republican Senator Ben Sasse. Rubin argues that Acosta must have that transcript in his possession because he and his lawyers were given an opportunity to review it and suggest any corrections.

Long story short, the lingering questions about Jeffrey Epstein and his child sex trafficking operation must be answered, and key players like Acosta must not be allowed to come before Congress and just gaslight the public. These crucial documents are currently in the possession of the DOJ and/or Acosta, and the public deserves to see them.

An alternative route would be to have Ann Marie Villafaña testify before Congress. Who knows, she might have “kept receipts”.