Homeland Security’s $220 Million Ad Controversy: An Objective Look at the Noem Connections

A series of recent investigative reports, first published by ProPublica and later picked up by major outlets including MSNBC, has drawn substantial attention to a large Department of Homeland Security (DHS) advertising campaign and its connections to Secretary Kristi Noem’s political circle. Although the DHS has defended its decisions and denies any improper influence, the scope of the contract, the speed at which funds were awarded, and the involvement of individuals tied to Noem have generated intense public scrutiny. What follows is a fact-based, balanced overview of what is known, what is contested, and why the episode continues to raise questions.

The controversy began with DHS’s launch of a national and international ad campaign intended to deter illegal immigration. According to ProPublica, the campaign totals approximately $220 million and includes television, digital, radio, and social-media placements. DHS has stated that the campaign is aimed at discouraging unauthorized crossings by emphasizing tougher enforcement policies and consequences. One of the signature ads features Secretary Noem at Mount Rushmore delivering a tough-on-immigration message that DHS characterizes as a public service announcement rather than a political communication. DHS has consistently argued that the campaign is justified by pressing national security needs and that it reflects policy objectives rather than partisan motives.

The financial and procedural details surrounding this campaign, however, prompted wider concerns. DHS invoked a “national emergency” at the border to bypass the traditional competitive bidding process, fast-tracking the ad contracts. While legal, this mechanism is typically used for time-sensitive, high-risk situations rather than large-scale media campaigns. Critics argue that employing emergency powers for a communications initiative undermines normal procurement safeguards designed to prevent favoritism and ensure transparency. DHS counters that career procurement officials oversaw the process and that all actions complied with federal law.

The most scrutinized element of the spending is the decision to direct $143 million of the campaign funds to a newly formed Delaware company called Safe America Media. The firm was incorporated only days before receiving the contract, an unusually rapid timeline for a high-value federal agreement. Public contracting databases provide little information about how Safe America Media has allocated its funds or whom it subcontracted. This lack of documentation has fueled questions about the nature of the company, who ultimately benefited from the funds, and why the government selected an entity with virtually no track record.

Those questions intensified when investigators identified personal and professional connections between DHS leadership and political consultants aligned with Noem. Safe America Media’s listed address is linked to Republican operative Michael McElwain, and reporting has highlighted the involvement of the Strategy Group, a Republican consulting firm that played a large role in Noem’s South Dakota gubernatorial campaigns. The firm is led by Benjamin Yoho, who is married to Tricia McLaughlin, DHS’s Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs. That office, which McLaughlin leads, is the same DHS division responsible for funding the ad campaign. This nexus of relationships has raised concerns from ethics experts and watchdog groups, who argue that—even if no laws were broken—the appearance of a conflict of interest is substantial.

Critics, including former federal contracting officials, contend that the overlap between Noem’s political network and the firms connected to the DHS campaign creates significant risk of improper influence. They argue that the lack of publicly available subcontractor information prevents the public from knowing whether politically connected firms benefited from taxpayer funds. Some experts have described the arrangement as highly irregular, and organizations have called for oversight investigations by congressional committees or the DHS Inspector General. Others have pointed out that the political tone of some of the ads, particularly those referencing Trump-era border policies, may blur the line between public service messaging and partisan promotion, although DHS maintains the messaging is policy-driven.

Defenders of Noem and DHS present a different picture. They note that DHS officials, not political appointees, handled the contracting and that emergency procurement authority exists precisely to allow rapid responses to urgent national issues. McLaughlin has publicly stated that she fully recused herself from decisions related to these contracts, emphasizing that professional ethics protocols were followed. Supporters also argue that the intent of the campaign is clear: to deter migration through communication, a tool that has been used by multiple administrations. They also point out that no concrete evidence has surfaced proving that any funds were intentionally steered to Noem’s allies for political purposes.

Despite those defenses, the situation remains complicated. The unusual contracting timeline, the lack of transparency surrounding subcontractors, and the close personal ties between DHS leadership and outside political consultants make the story difficult to dismiss. Even if every action taken was technically compliant with procurement rules, the optics invite skepticism. In matters of public spending—especially on such a large scale—appearance alone can erode public trust, particularly when political figures and their associates are involved. At a minimum, the episode underscores the importance of transparent procurement processes, clear public reporting on subcontractors, and robust safeguards to prevent even the perception of conflicts of interest.

Ultimately, the controversy exposes a broader tension at the intersection of government communication, national security policy, and political influence. DHS insists the campaign is essential to its mission and was executed properly. Critics argue that the process lacked the transparency and arm’s-length separation needed to ensure public confidence. As calls for additional oversight continue, the resolution of this issue may set important precedents for how federal agencies handle large-scale communications campaigns—especially when those campaigns intersect with the political networks of their leaders.

GOP Gutted IRS’ Ability To Go After Rich Tax Cheats

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An investigation by ProPublica has revealed that since 2010 congressional Republicans have systematically gutted the IRS’ budget for the express purpose of dramatically reducing its ability to pursue rich tax cheats, while at the same time ramping up the agency’s ability to go after the working poor who claim earned income credit. If there was ever a classic case of GOP’s war on poverty, this shocking finding by ProPublica certainly is.

Excerpt from ProPublica’s 12/11/2018 piece

This troubling ProPublica revelation comes as many working families are getting ready to file their 2018 taxes and yes–claim their earned income credit. It is sickening to learn that as the working poor are looking forward to getting their income tax refunds so they can catch up on their bills, congressional Republicans have primed the IRS to target them with audits, while letting the rich tax cheats avoid IRS scrutiny. This is absolutely sickening and House Democrats and the mainstream media must get to the bottom of this shameful attack on the poor by the GOP.

This chart from the same ProPublica piece says it all. Notice how sharply audits of those who earn $500K or more(typically Republicans) have dropped compared to the other income groups. As the article correctly points out, it is the rich who cheat on their taxes more which means IRS auditors should concentrate more on them as opposed to the poor.

The incoming House Democratic majority owes it to its voters to investigate this troubling state of affairs at the IRS. For the record, the ProPublica piece points out that it is not the IRS that is at fault here but rather congressional Republicans who have made them go after poor filers claiming earned income credit. Nobody is advocating that the IRS turn a blind eye to poor people fraudulently claiming EIC. However it is only fair that the IRS also go after rich tax filers who by far do most of the tax cheating.

Bottom line it is in everyone’s interest that the ability of the IRS to go after all tax cheats, rich and poor, is fully restored. Where, as here, Republicans have turned this powerful agency into a weapon to attack poor working families, while at the same time neutering its ability to go after rich tax cheats, House Democrats have a duty to step in and restore the agency to its full investigative capacity. Specifically, House Democrats must fully furnish the IRS with the tools it needs(experienced auditors) to aggressively go after rich tax cheats. It is simply immoral to have this powerful agency go after poor working families while the rich tax cheats get off scot-free.

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